Torun International Studies
https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM
<p>Torun International Studies (TIS) is an semi-annual, open access scholary journal published by Scientia et Progressus Fundationa in co-operation with <strong>Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland), Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania) and Sulkhan-Saba Orbeliani University (Georgia)</strong>. TIS acts as a forum for the exchange of ideas and scientific discussions on international issues. TIS primarily focuses on the region of Central and Eastern Europe, whilst also analyzing other regions of the world. Original, previously unpublished works in the field of broadly understood international relations are accepted for publication.</p> <p>The thematic scope of the journal covers issues in the field of:</p> <ul> <li>international security (e.g. external threats to state security, the international security system, international armed conflicts, military cooperation between states, global cyber threats and others),</li> <li>international economic and financial relations (e.g. international flows of production factors, international trade, economic integration, activities of global corporations and others),</li> <li>international law (international agreements, foreign service, human rights, international organizations, international disputes and others),</li> <li>international political relations (foreign policy and its conditions, international institutions, diplomacy, states and nations, international political order and others)</li> <li>as well as geopolitical issues.</li> </ul> <p><span lang="en"> </span></p> <p><span lang="en">eISSN: <strong>2391-7601</strong></span><br /><span lang="en">DOI: <strong>10.12775/TIS</strong></span></p> <p><span lang="en"><strong>Indexed in: Google Scholar, IndexCopernicus <span lang="en"><strong>(100 points)</strong></span>, CEJSH, BazHum, SHERPA/RoMEO, ERIH PLUS, DOAJ, BAZEKON, CEEOL, <span lang="en"><strong>Electronic Journals Library, CiteFactor, MIAR (4), Open Academic Journals Index</strong></span> </strong></span></p> <p><span lang="en"><strong><strong style="text-align: justify;">Our journal was included in the list of scientific journals of the Ministry of </strong></strong></span><span lang="en"><strong><strong style="text-align: justify;">Education and </strong></strong></span><span lang="en"><strong><strong style="text-align: justify;">Science of December 1, 2021 with 100 points.</strong></strong></span></p>Nicolaus Copernicus Universityen-USTorun International Studies2391-4920REVIEW OF COUNTER-TERRORISM SYSTEMS DURING SUMMER OLYMPIC GAMES IN THE 21ST CENTURY
https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/38989
<p>The research results presented in the article pertain to the organization of security systems by the host countries during the Summer Olympic Games in Athens (2004), Beijing (2008), London (2012), and Rio de Janeiro (2016). The central part of the considerations focuses on the complex issue of searching for methods and tools to effectively protect participants of such large mass sports events, not only against terrorists. Taking into account the identified problem situation, it was agreed that the aim of the article will be to characterize the security methods and tools employed by the organizers of the Summer Olympic Games. The research was conducted with the use of selected theoretical scientific methods, including analysis, synthesis, comparison, analogy, generalization, and inference. These methods were applied in a structured way to a research process that focused on case studies of selected Summer Olympic Games that were considered representative samples. The results of the carried out research clearly indicate a high complexity of the security systems created for the needs of the Olympic Games. In every analyzed case, the need occurred to integrate state institutions and international organizations, including various agencies dealing with security issues, including terrorism.</p> <p>Additionally, based on the obtained results, it was also determined that properly forecasting threats is crucial in ensuring the safety of participants in the Olympic Games. It should be further emphasized that in each analyzed case study, the organizers of these large sports events fulfilled their role as hosts very well. They should, therefore, be recognized as a good example for other countries that will apply for organizing this type of mass sports events in the future. They must also be aware that each sporting event of this type requires a significant organizational and financial effort and that the threats are not limited to terrorism but can be posed by various external and internal factors.</p> <p>This article is one of the first attempts to assess the justification of implementing various methods and tools to the security systems of mass international sporting events through the prism of their effectiveness. In addition, the proposed solutions, including the threat forecasting methodology, may be useful to both practitioners and theoreticians in creating more effective solutions in the field of national and international security.</p>Daniel MichalskiAdam Marek RadomyskiPaweł Bernat
Copyright (c) 2023 Daniel Michalski, Adam Marek Radomyski, Paweł Bernat
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2023-09-302023-09-3011852410.12775/TIS.2023.010AUKUS AS AN EFFECTIVE RESPONSE TO THE PROSPECTIVE LIMITATION OF AMERICAN DOMINATION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC
https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/38784
<p>The establishment of the AUKUS system by the USA, Great Britain and Australia is a tangible proof of the change in the American maritime strategy and the rivalry with China for influence in the Indo-Pacific. Including Australia in the efforts to curb Chinese regional expansion is an undoubted success of Washington, which has skilfully used both the weaknesses of the QUAD agreement and the Australia-India-Indonesia trilateral cooperation to persuade Canberra to redefine its policy towards China and the region itself. As a result, Australia is becoming not only the second most important ally of the USA after Great Britain, but also the most important maritime player in the Indian Ocean. This status also poses a threat to the US, as it will weaken the community of interests with India and – to a lesser extent – with Saudi Arabia. Moreover, American politicians must accept the fact that they will be co-makers of policies in the Indo-Pacific region and that sometimes – in their own interest – they will be forced to remain passive in the face of actions taken by Canberra. The aim of the article is to analyze the political significance of the AUKUS agreement for American politics and to assess the possibility of its potential transformation into a political alliance or a regional maritime security complex. This assessment will be made based on the analysis of strategic documents of the signatories of the agreement and political and economic conditions in the Indo-Pacific region. The issue of approval by the American political establishment for recognizing Australia as an independent political player in this region was considered a major threat to the implementation of this political concept.</p>Piotr Mickiewicz
Copyright (c) 2023 Piotr Mickiewicz
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2023-09-302023-09-30118253810.12775/TIS.2023.011THE POLICY OF CONTAINING IRAN BY THE ADMINISTRATION OF DONALD TRUMP (2017-2021)
https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/42036
<p>Since President Donald Trump assumed his constitutional duties in January 2017 and ended his term in January 2021, he adopted strategic goals that were generally characterized by hardening towards Iran, which did not differ from the majority of previous administrations, even of president’s Barack Obama, who agreed with his predecessors on the goals, but differed in his ways to reach them.</p> <p>In the same context, the national security document, which was approved by the us administration, in December 2017, did not depart from the previous framework. Iran was present within its content, which reflected a hard-line image of Iran by focusing on what the latter poses as an increasing threat to American interests, as well as to its allies and the security and stability of the Middle East region in general. The document outlined the Iranian danger, describing it as “a dictatorial regime that seeks to undermine the region and destabilize its security, threaten the allies of the united states, and commit brutal acts against its people.”</p> <p>This strategy was, in terms of form, closer in many of its elements to what is generally accepted than the outcomes of successive administrations towards Iran. These were the same goals that the majority of US administrations had long been striving for, especially since the beginning of the new millennium and the exposure of the Iranian nuclear program, but the difference, as well as in the details and implementation mechanisms, are the paths and steps taken to achieve the goals.</p>Amanj Othman
Copyright (c) 2023 Amanj Othman
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2023-09-302023-09-30118395310.12775/TIS.2023.012INDO–FRENCH DEFENCE PARTNERSHIP AND REGIONAL SECURITY BALANCE IN SOUTH ASIA
https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/38970
<p>The article aims to describe the regional security challenges and major threats for India in South Asia. Since 1947, India has been suffering from external security threats such as a form of proxy warfare and terrorism from neighbouring countries. To this purpose, the article also examines recurring issues where India has major border issues with China in the Himalayan terrain to the Eastern region. India has been facing bigger security threats from China and Pakistan in the South Asia region. This article looks at defence cooperation between India and France through the prism of India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region. India’s soft power policy is reflected in a neo-realist approach and expanded by its long-standing defence cooperation with France. Therefore, India has been receiving support from the French government whenever the country needs defence equipment and other assistance. The article uses case studies and discourse analysis methods to answer the questions and draw the main findings and conclusions of the study. Finally, as a result of the study, India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region are pushing the country to purchase defence equipment from France. The relationship between India and France is strengthening bilateral cooperation at a broader level and shaping a strong strategic partnership by uniting in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific as well.</p>Mukesh Shankar Bharti
Copyright (c) 2023 Mukesh Shankar Bharti
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2023-09-302023-09-30118556810.12775/TIS.2023.013RUSSIA’S FALIN–KVITSINSKY ENERGY DOCTRINE: HISTORY AND EXPERIENCE APPLYING TO SELECTED CENTRAL EUROPEAN COUNTRIES
https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/36461
<p>This article discusses the evolution of the energy security of Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine since the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), in terms of natural gas supplies. Instead of framing energy dependencies on Russia in a descriptive way, this article shows the empirical validation of the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine, which includes the use of energy resources as tool in foreign policy. Therefore, the authors propose a three-element Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine indicator to measure the power of this doctrine using the yearly data for 1991–2021. Authors argue that the impact of this doctrine should be assessed through the lens of energy supply security and then measured by appropriate indicators. This approach might be seen as opposite to the mainstream publications which are mostly descriptive in this field. In the article, the authors provided clear evidence of the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine existence until the end of 2021, which was applied during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Actions taken by Russia over the years were aimed at making Central European countries dependent on natural gas supply, which would then prompt these countries to limit their aid to Ukraine during the conflict that began in 2022. In conclusion, Russia is able to pursue its political goals in the manner suggested by the Falin–Kvitsinsky doctrine as long as each Central European country tries to ensure its own energy security. However, the Falin-Kvitsky doctrine did not fully meet its objectives, as Central European countries, as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war, were able to quickly take steps to diversify the sources and directions of natural gas supplies by taking comprehensive measures and strengthening cooperation.</p>Maciej MrózMichał Paszkowski
Copyright (c) 2023 Maciej Mróz, Michał Paszkowski
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2023-09-302023-09-30118698210.12775/TIS.2023.014EUROPEAN UNION AT THE DAWN OF TECHNOLOGICAL COLD WAR
https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/36772
<p>The purpose of the study was to construct a picture of the EU’s global position in a world defined by the US-Chinese technological Cold War. Morphological analysis has been used to enable a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the technological and social domains. Structured interviews were also used to support the analytical process. The results of the exploration showed a picture of the EU’s multi-level technological weakness compared to competing powers. While the EU is not a weak entity, its future international position will depend on the creation of its own technological capabilities and on cooperation with the United States. Both lines of action are subject to multiple risks. Firstly, some aggressive technological developments (such as the plans to place microchips production in Europe) can generate more problems than diversification. Secondly, the EU must extend its work on high-tech (primarily AI) beyond the logic of market regulation and focus on their geopolitical and military dimension. It must also be ready for possible obstacles in cooperation with the United States. The alternative to this track, as the analysis shows, is the technological, and hence the political and economic peripheral status, where two technological superpowers – the United States and authoritarian China will compete. The most negative result for the EU is the status of “digital colony”. The paper aspires to be a part of the effort to fill the existing void in the scientific output of Polish social sciences, regarding exploration of the geopolitical dimension of technological progress, especially its impact on EU’s position in the new power distribution model, which will be the result of the rivalry between the US and China.</p>Tomasz Gajewski
Copyright (c) 2023 Tomasz Gajewski
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2023-09-302023-09-301188310110.12775/TIS.2023.015