https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/issue/feed Torun International Studies 2021-09-12T21:47:55+02:00 Piotr Siemiątkowski piotrs@umk.pl Open Journal Systems <p>Torun International Studies (TIS) is an annual, open access scholary journal published by Scientia et Progressus Fundationa in co-operation with <strong>Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland), Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania) and Sulkhan-Saba Orbeliani University (Georgia)</strong>. TIS acts as a forum for the exchange of ideas and scientific discussions on international issues. TIS primarily focuses on the region of Central and Eastern Europe, whilst also analyzing other regions of the world. Original, previously unpublished works in the field of broadly understood international relations are accepted for publication.</p><p>The thematic scope of the journal covers issues in the field of:</p><ul><li>international security (e.g. external threats to state security, the international security system, international armed conflicts, military cooperation between states, global cyber threats and others),</li><li>international economic and financial relations (e.g. international flows of production factors, international trade, economic integration, activities of global corporations and others),</li><li>international law (international agreements, foreign service, human rights, international organizations, international disputes and others),</li><li>international political relations (foreign policy and its conditions, international institutions, diplomacy, states and nations, international political order and others)</li><li>as well as geopolitical issues.</li></ul><p><span lang="en"><span><br /></span></span></p><p><span lang="en"><span>eISSN: <strong>2391-7601</strong></span></span><br /><span lang="en"><span>DOI: <strong>10.12775/TIS</strong></span></span></p><p><span lang="en"><span><strong>Indexed in: Google Scholar, IndexCopernicus <span lang="en"><span><strong>(100 points)</strong></span></span>, CEJSH, BazHum, SHERPA/RoMEO, ERIH PLUS, DOAJ, BAZEKON, CEEOL, <span lang="en"><span><strong>Electronic Journals Library, CiteFactor, MIAR (4), Open Academic Journals Index</strong></span></span> </strong></span></span></p><p><span lang="en"><span><strong><strong style="text-align: justify;">Our journal was included in the list of scientific journals of the Ministry of </strong></strong></span></span><span lang="en"><span><strong><strong style="text-align: justify;">Education and </strong></strong></span></span><span lang="en"><span><strong><strong style="text-align: justify;">Science of February 9, 2021 with 70 points.</strong></strong></span></span></p> https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/TIS.2021.001 BETWEEN REMEMBERING AND FORGETTING - PROCESSES OF CHANGING TOPICALITY OF POLISH HERITAGE IN CONTEMPORARY LITHUANIA 2021-09-09T17:10:50+02:00 Anna Ewa Pilarczyk-Palaitis pilarczyka@gmail.com <p>The last century of Lithuanian history and the resulting dynamics of political and demographic change have radically transformed the role, meaning and forms of interpretation of Polish heritage in Lithuania. The purpose of the article is to observe the main directions of changes taking place within the cultural memory of Poles living in Lithuania - the largest national minority group in Lithuania. The report presents the processes of changing topicality of Polish heritage in Lithuania in three main areas of active cultural memory: history, art and religion. The first area is represented by objects related to Józef Piłsudski, the second one by the Pohulanka Theatre (now the Russian Drama Theatre) in Vilnius and objects related to Adam Mickiewicz, and the third one by objects related to the cult of Divine Mercy.</p><p>The article analyses official communication of these memory objects (published by the objects’ owners or official managers) as well as memory practices and rituals carried out in these objects and described on social media and in news articles published in Lithuania in 2017-2019. Observing various types of storage media, in this case, some selected objects of cultural heritage and rituals and texts accompanying them, it is possible to notice processes of variability, exchange, erasing, redefining memory and hence the dynamics of changes in the Polish collective identity in modern Lithuania.</p><p>The analysis of the formal ritualization and communication of these objects has enabled noticing several interesting trends, above all an occurrence of the phenomenon of polylogue of narratives and the process of universalization of Polish heritage in Lithuania and thus Lithuanian and Polish collective memory approaching each other.</p>The following analysis is valuable as a starting point for reflection on the transformation of the ethnic identity of Poles in Lithuania. The article is one of the first attempts to show the processes of Lithuanian Poles identity transformations through observations of their collective memory dimension. The article presents the main trends and indicates the further potential research directions. 2021-03-31T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2021 Torun International Studies https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/TIS.2021.002 THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION PROPAGANDA NARRATIVES 2021-09-09T17:10:50+02:00 Nataliia Karpchuk karpchuknata@gmail.com The article seeks to research the propaganda narratives of the Russian Federation in Europe. The Russian Federation has a long “successful” history of creating propaganda narratives since Soviet times. Even today, it spreads national and grand narratives to influence the external and internal audience. The narrative method is used to analyse both the content and the structure of the stories. The author makes the conclusion that the main purpose of Russia’s propaganda narratives is to convince its citizens and the whole world of Russia’s indomitable greatness and power, as well as to demonstrate the degradation of Europe and the West in general. To form the image of an invincible fighter for Christian values, the only outpost of stability, development, security (at least in Europe), Russia promotes a grand narrative, which is disseminated through daily disinformation, fakes and propaganda messages. The article finds out how the EU counteracts these destructive influences, specifically owing to the activity of the EUvsDisinfo site. 2021-05-01T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2021 Torun International Studies https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/TIS.2021.003 RUSSIA BETWEEN CHINA AND UKRAINE: THREE POINTS OF VIEW 2021-09-09T17:10:50+02:00 Roman Backer backer@umk.pl Russia can be understood in many different ways. Observation from the inside is still possible. Doing your own research is very important, but it can’t be done quickly. The fastest way to understand Russia leads through scientific texts. The level of scientific literature on Russia’s foreign policy can be examined in two ways – through an extensive and long-term analysis of the entire world publications or through a very careful study of the most representative ones. The second path is easier and more effective. Three monographs published<br />by the most recognizable scientific publishing houses in the world were analysed: written by experts, scientists using International Relations (IR) paradigms and scholars representing the neo-Marxist approach. Each of the three schools of foreign policy research has significant academic achievements, and also succeeds in the legitimization or de-legitimization of political actors. Each of these schools also has weaknesses. While experts did not always understand the cultural determinants, scientists with a very good theoretical feedback did not always know all historical facts. By contrast, the authors declaring a neo-Marxist approach actually aimed to justify Russia’s policy rather than to understand it. A multi-level understanding of any (including Russian) foreign policy is possible thanks to the critical analysis of scientists work results. 2021-05-30T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2021 Torun International Studies https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/TIS.2021.004 DEVELOPMENT OF THE RUSSIAN ANTI ACCESS/ANTI DENIAL (A2/AD) CONCEPT AS A THREAT TO NATO AND POLAND 2021-09-09T20:29:06+02:00 Adam Marek RADOMYSKI a.radomyski@law.mil.pl <p>This article presents an analysis of the development of the Russian Anti Access/Anti Denial concept – A2/AD. The considerations contained in this article focus on identifying the threats that the Russian A2/AD concept creates for NATO and Poland. This article compiles empirical data from scientific publications, formal strategic and doctrinal documents, which allowed to define the A2/AD category, specify its essence and characterize it through the prism of military and non-military forces and resources engaged by Russia in several important operational regions: the Kaliningrad Oblast, Crimea, Syria and the Arctic.</p><p>The aim of this article is to evaluate the Russian Anti-Access/Anti Denial concept from the perspective of the threats it creates for NATO and Poland.</p><p>The obtained research results allow us to make the conclusion that when assessing the current external conditions, effective opposition to the Russian A2/AD by NATO will be very difficult to implement. Increasing the capabilities in this area will probably require the individual member states to increase their defense spending, mainly on the modernization and development of their armed forces. In addition to increasing the financial expenditures, increasing the ability to counteract the Russian A2/AD will require proper coordination and integration of the activities of the entire NATO structure around one coherent operational concept. This applies not only to counteracting the Russian A2/AD in Europe but also in other regions of the world, which in the near future may become the theatre of military operations, both classic, asymmetric or hybrid.</p> 2021-07-31T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2021 Torun International Studies https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/35221 SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN THE AREA OF COMBATING HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN THE 21ST CENTURY 2021-09-12T21:47:55+02:00 Tomasz Kownacki t.kownacki@vizja.pl <p>The problem of international cooperation for sustainable development in the areas of environmental protection, economics, energy and public goods is a well-known scope of research, which can be classified as a classic canon of analysis in this domain. There is an explicit lack of research in the area of security, particularly in those aspects relating to objectives 8 and 16 of Agenda 2030, referring to combating the crime of human trade. The aim of the publication is to analyse the dynamics of international cooperation for the implementation of sustainable principles in the fight against human trafficking, undertaken in the context of the diagnosis of its effects for the implementation of sustainable principles with the use of resources (created and implemented standards), cooperation structures (global international organisations and their Member States) forming a system of international cooperation, the directions of which are determined by security needs. The article shows the evolution of international law in this area, the cooperation of selected international structures and its effects, as well as the dynamics of change resulting from statistics indicating the directions of implementation of objectives 8 and 16 of the sustainable development of the Agenda 2030. To achieve the objective, the assumptions of institutional theory were applied. The analysis was made using historical, comparative methods and analysis of source documents. The analysis presented in the article allows us to conclude that after the adoption of the Agenda 2030, the dynamics of international cooperation in the analysed area has increased, which is reflected in the new impetus given to the implementation of provisions enshrined in international law and required actions undertaken by member states - signatories of the act. Combating the crime of trafficking in human beings takes place within the framework of a diagnosable multifaceted institutional formula expressed in a detailed division of tasks and competences, allowing for coordination at the global level of preventive and operational actions to combat this practice. Global international cooperation for sustainable development in the area of combating trafficking in human beings in the 21st century is implemented in a systemic way and brings results which provide better and better prospects for effective combating of this crime, thus meeting the assumptions and objectives 8 (p. 8.7) and 16 (p. 16.2) of the Agenda 2030.</p> 2021-08-31T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2021 Torun International Studies https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/34176 COLOR REVOLUTIONS AS A THREAT TO SECURITY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION. THE ANALYSIS OF RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE 2021-09-10T14:16:39+02:00 Mirosław Minkina miroslaw.minkina@uph.edu.pl Malina Kaszuba malina.kaszuba@uph.edu.pl <p class="Abstract">The article attempts to analyze and assess Russian perspectives of color revolutions as a threat to national security. Then the article focuses on the discussion of Russian concepts for countering color revolutions. The authors formulated the main research problem as the following question: What are the social movements, known as color revolutions, for the Russian Federation?; and formulates the following hypothesis: Color revolutions are recognized by the Russian authorities as social engineering inspired by the West, the aim of which is to overthrow the constitutional order of Russia and the states of the post-Soviet space to draw them into the sphere of influence of Euro-Atlantic structures. Color revolutions are considered a serious threat to national security by the Russian ruling elites. The first reason is the fear that the Russians, following the successful revolutions within the post-Soviet area, will themselves want to change the political system. The second is the loss of Russian influence in the countries of the former USSR. Color revolutions in the post-Soviet area have usually resulted in the emergence of pro-Western governments reluctant to Moscow. This, in turn, prevents the Russian ruling elites from rebuilding the empire.</p> 2021-09-30T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2021 Torun International Studies https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/34691 India’s Vaccine Diplomacy: Role in New Order and Challenges 2021-09-11T12:45:47+02:00 Simant Shankar Bharti s.bharti@uw.edu.pl Sushant Shankar Bharti ssbharti92@gmail.com <p><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 535.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.938858);" role="presentation">The COVID-19 hit the world heartlessly. Throughout the worldwide lockdown was im</span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 555.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.977294);" role="presentation">posed, which is now considered as an economic lockdown. Since the World Health Organ</span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 575.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(1.01524);" role="presentation">ization (WHO) announced COVID-19 as a global pandemic on 11 March 2020, this in</span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 595.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.959136);" role="presentation">volved the world in the development of vaccine breakthroughs. Until December 2020, many </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 615.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.964482);" role="presentation">new vaccines have been rolling out for use, e.g., Pfizer, AstraZeneca, Moderna, COVAXIN, </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 635.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.982529);" role="presentation">Sputnik V, and others. The vaccines were roll-out, the vaccine diplomacy came into vogue </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 655.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.97874);" role="presentation">in the international scenario. However, there are many questions about the distribution and </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 675.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.95317);" role="presentation">export of vaccines, which is considered one of the state’s soft power instruments to influence </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 695.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.975505);" role="presentation">the relationship with other countries. Similarly, the purpose of this article is to trace India’s </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 715.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.968461);" role="presentation">vaccine diplomacy and space in the new changing order from the perspective of soft power. </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 735.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.973143);" role="presentation">Recently, the second wave of COVID-19 devastated India. Though, the study also explores </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 755.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.954531);" role="presentation">the challenges and increasing role of China in South Asia. Vaccine diplomacy is an approach </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 775.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.958746);" role="presentation">to the soft power theory in international relations. The case study and content analysis meth</span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 795.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.976451);" role="presentation">ods are applied here to explain the current vaccine diplomacy. The study finds that initially </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 815.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.981673);" role="presentation">India strongly showed its vaccine diplomacy widely in its neighbourhood and other devel</span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 835.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.975917);" role="presentation">oping countries, but the second wave of COVID-19 weakened its position of not providing </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 855.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.989087);" role="presentation">vaccines to its own home. To provide validity to an argument, vaccine diplomacy of India </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 875.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.960784);" role="presentation">as a soft power instrument provides a framework for analyzing India’s role in the new world </span><span dir="ltr" style="left: 113.386px; top: 895.26px; font-size: 16.6667px; font-family: serif; transform: scaleX(0.968316);" role="presentation">order.</span></p> 2021-10-31T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2021 Torun International Studies https://apcz.umk.pl/TSM/article/view/34875 THE CONSTITUTION IN THE SHADOW OF A GUN: HISTORICAL AND LEGAL VIEWS ON MYANMAR’S COUP D’ÉTAT 2021-09-10T14:10:59+02:00 Punsara Amarasinghe punsaraprint10@gmail.com Davide Orsitto Davide.Orsitto@santannapisa.it <p>The Tatmadaw’s military takeover in Myanmar on the 1st of February has marked a significant step back in the country’s path towards democracy. Several doubts are raised as to why the military has decided to dismiss the institutional changes that it agreed to grant the country after the Saffron Revolution of 2007 in the first place. This paper seeks to examine the current military takeover in Myanmar through the lenses of its complex post-colonial history, marked by the continuous evolution of various intra-state stakeholder’s interactions, such as the Sangha, the Tatmadaw and the students. Subsequent to the historical analysis, we provide a legal outlook combing through the salient constitutional provision on the division of powers, aiming to understand if the balance thereof has been seen as an existential threat undermining the military’s hegemonic position over time. Finally, we aim to offer an account on why western expectations regarding Aung San Suu Kyi as a representative of Western liberal democracy could not be factually met. We conclude that the 2007 constitution institutionalized a political system that allowed wiggle room for non-military stakeholders to obtain further democratic concessions, that could result in a significant threat to the Tatmadaw’s rule. Such approach sheds outlook on the causes of the coup d’état and allows projections for the near future.</p> 2021-12-31T00:00:00+01:00 Copyright (c) 2021 Torun International Studies