The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies 2022-04-12T10:48:52+02:00 Natalia Olszanecka Open Journal Systems <p>Copernicus Journal of Political Studies (CJPS) jest anglojęzycznym czasopismem naukowym wydawanym w formule <em>open access</em> od 2012 roku. Publikujemy rezultaty prac badawczych przede wszystkim z zakresu nauk o polityce i bezpieczeństwie dotyczących Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej i obszaru postsowieckiego. Naszym celem jest udostępnianie wyników zarówno interdyscyplinarnych, jak i specjalistycznych badań i analiz odnoszących się do problematyki stosunków międzynarodowych, bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, geopolityki czy polityki wewnętrznej państw w szerokim kontekście.</p><p>Polub nas na <a href="">Facebooku!</a></p> BAILOUT EXPECTATION AND DEBT RISKS OF CHINESE LOCAL GOVERNMENTS: AN EVIDENCE BASED STUDY ON QUASI-MUNICIPAL BONDS 2022-04-12T10:23:13+02:00 Jin Zou Chuantao Cui <p>Expectation of bailout by central government distorts the debt pricing mechanism, and as a result local governments run the risk of incurring debts because of the soft budget constraint issues. Thus finding ways to harden budget constraints is crucial, but there is little empirical evidence as to their effects. Since the “No Bailout” signal sent by China’s central government through the new Budget Law provides an ideal quasi-experiment, this study examines its impact on quasi-municipal bonds. Using micro-level data, the authors find that the policies have effectively dispelled expectations of bailout and improved debt pricing mechanism, yet implicit guarantees from local governments still exist. Therefore, the authors show that the policy of the Chinese central government has a certain level of credibility, and that policies combining government credibility and market forces can help to resolve debt risks of local governments.</p> 2021-12-31T00:00:00+01:00 Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 Jin Zou, Chuantao Cui CHANGES IN UKRAINIAN ORTHODOXY AFTER THE REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY: THE “RUSSIAN” CONTEXT 2022-04-12T10:29:30+02:00 Ihor Hurak Svitlana Kobuta <p>Within the framework of the implementation of foreign policy employing “soft power”, the leadership of the Russian Federation traditionally assigns an important role to the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). After the occupation of Crimea and the beginning of the armed conflict in Donbas, the ROC lost much of its direct influence on the situation in Ukraine. Under such circumstances, the new leadership of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) Moscow Patriarchate (MP) has taken on the key role in conveying messages to Ukrainian society favorable to the Kremlin. Initiating the distancing of the church from social processes in the state, the hierarchs of the UOC (MP) have simultaneously taken steps and made statements that, within the framework of Ukrainian-Russian confrontation, clearly demonstrate their support for the Russian point of view. In fact, despite the ongoing armed conflict in the east of Ukraine, the UOC (MP) has been able to maintain its position within Ukrainian Orthodoxy in terms of numbers. At the same time, the emergence of the local autocephalous Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) in early 2019 marked a fundamental transformation in its religious landscape. The OCU was formed mainly from the UOC-KP (Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate) and the UAOC (Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church) which had not been canonically recognized by the world Orthodox Church, unlike the UOC-MP. Having received the <em>Tomos</em> from the Ecumenical Patriarch, Bartholomew, the OCU became the only canonical Orthodox Church in Ukraine. Within the two years following its formation, the OCU was recognized by three more Orthodox churches along with the Ecumenical Patriarchate and was included in their lists of the recognized Eastern Orthodox churches (diptychs). This accounts for the OCU’s promising prospects while it also signifies a loss of authority by the ROC as well as the growing threats it faces in terms of its weakened influence within world Orthodoxy.</p> 2021-12-31T00:00:00+01:00 Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 Ihor Hurak, Svitlana Kobuta YERLİ VE MİLLİ CITIZENS OF THE AKP: LOYALTY AS THE MEANS OF BOUNDARY MAKING 2022-04-12T10:38:09+02:00 Ceren Şengül <p>This article focuses on the construction of <em>yerli ve milli</em> (local and national) citizens by the Justice and Development Party (<em>Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi</em>; AKP) of Turkey. Drawing on the boundary making approach, it discusses that loyalty to the AKP, more specifically to President Erdoğan (the founder of the AKP), acts as the main boundary marker for the construction of the AKP’s <em>yerli ve milli</em> citizens. Unlike the preceding Kemalist rhetoric, drawing its fixed boundaries based on strict ideological principles (being “modern”, speaking Turkish, and being a secular Sunni Muslim), the AKP’s <em>yerli ve milli</em> citizen construction is contingent and pragmatic. This paper analyzes three cases: the Gülen movement, the Republican People’s Party, and Boğaziçi University, each of them representing a different ideological background, and illustrates that for the AKP loyalty trumps over all the ideological differences. This means that anyone, regardless of their ideological background, who has shown disloyalty to the AKP and/or Erdoğan, can become non-<em>yerli ve milli</em> overnight or, in the AKP’s terminology – a terrorist.</p> 2021-12-31T00:00:00+01:00 Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 Ceren Şengül IDEOLOGICAL DIALECTICS OF POST-SOVIET NATIONALISM 2022-04-12T10:43:43+02:00 Bakar Berekashvili <p>This article is an attempt at a critical examination of the ideological nature of nationalism in the post-Soviet world, with particular focus on the Georgian experience. Social, political, cultural and economic changes which took place in Georgia after the Soviet Union’s dissolution also aimed to change the society’s mental structure. In this context, the idea of nationalism is a way to reorganize politics and society. Nationalism in post-Soviet Georgia is accommodated in the paradigm of new ideological hegemony. Liberalism and conservatism considered as alternatives to communism have become the principal ideological dialectics of post-Soviet nationalism, which also mirrors the general ideological orientation of nationalism in post-Soviet societies. Also, political-ideological instrumentalization of nationalism has been aimed at strengthening political positions and privileges of the new ruling class, while it has also played one of the central roles in the political and cultural process of power struggle. This article sheds light on the major issues of ideological hegemony and reconstruction of nationalism in a changing post-Soviet society. &nbsp;</p> 2021-12-31T00:00:00+01:00 Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 Bakar Berekashvili OF DUCKS AND NATIONS AND DESTINIES: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORIES AND THE CRITICISM OF THE UNITED STATES’ COLD WAR POLICIES IN CARL BARKS’ DONALD DUCK COMICS 2022-04-12T10:48:52+02:00 Szymon Ostrowski <p>The main objective of this paper is to analyze classic Disney comic book stories by writer/artist Carl Barks and to determine how their author emphasized issues and theories related to international politics of the 20th century such as the Cold War, colonialism, dependency theory, etc. Because Barks’ works focused on developing countries and political and economic relations of societies and nations, certain parallels between US politics and comic plots can be found. In order to determine what issues were reflected and how they were was presented, plots of selected comics were analyzed through a set of questions about Donald Duck, his family and their role in the world where one can find communist countries, developing societies and dependencies between men, corporations, national identities and post-colonial states.</p> 2021-12-31T00:00:00+01:00 Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 Szymon Ostrowski