Acta Poloniae Historica 2022-08-08T16:43:22+02:00 Joanna Nalewajko-Kulikov – redaktor naczelny Open Journal Systems <p>The magazine deals with problems and issues reflecting the most recent research findings and the output of Polish historians covering the historic periods spanning from the Middle Ages till the present, as well as offers a representation of the most important currents of world historiography in the Polish – and, more broadly, Central Eurepean – historiography.<br /><br /></p> ‘Minesweeper’: In Remembrance of Włodzimierz Borodziej (1956–2021) 2022-08-08T09:59:22+02:00 Maciej Górny <p>The article outlines the life and achievements of Włodzimierz Borodziej, a contemporary historian. Initially a scholar of the history of Polish-German relations, he became the secretary, and later chairman, of the Polish-German Textbook Commission. Then, he engaged himself in the history of diplomacy and international relations; the ‘Polskie Dokumenty Dyplomatyczne’ [Polish Diplomatic Documents] series was established at his initiative. He also occupied various official positions at the University of Warsaw and in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. In his final decade, he became interested in the history of Central and Eastern Europe. He also contributed to the creation of the permanent exhibition at the House of European History in Brussels.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Decent Citizens Serving Chauvinism. Social Portrait of Students Participating in the Blockade of the University of Warsaw in 1936 2022-08-08T10:15:01+02:00 Izabela Mrzygłód <p>November 1936 saw the blockade of the University of Warsaw, an occupational strike organised by far-right students demanding the introduction of the so-called ‘ghetto benches’ for Jewish students. This article draws a social portrait of the ordinary participants in the blockade and analyses their motivations. I argue that the socialisation of youth into exemplary citizens of a modern nation-state created a fertile ground for far-right organisations and their demands. Moreover, the largest student association, the Fraternal Aid Society, became a space for self-organisation into extreme nationalist politics. Its leaders tapped into the positive motivations of youth, i.e. the search for a sense of belonging and the desire of individuals to fit into the normative order of the community. My examination of the blockade offers a unique insight into the academic background of the far-right and its means of political mobilisation.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Everyday Lives in Occupied Poland. Some Ideas for a (Slightly) Different View 2022-08-08T10:35:01+02:00 Jerzy Kochanowski <p>This article (or rather this essay) demonstrates several possibilities for a slightly different perspective on not so much everyday life during the occupation but on everyday lives. Only within the framework of the German occupation, which from the summer of 1941 covered almost the entire pre-war territory of Poland, the range of differences, both between administrative units (e.g., the General Government, the Wartheland or the Eastern Borderlands) as well as within them, between city and countryside, between individual social, professional, ethnic and age groups, was vast. The occupation was not a static and homogeneous phenomenon but a diverse and dynamic one, full of complex interactions. This text, based variously on the subject literature, published and archival sources (Polish and German), clandestine and official press, focuses on the following phenomena: the situation of Polish officials working for the occupation administration, mobility (both spatial and social – horizontal and vertical), relations between the city and the countryside, the breakdown of social norms, the wartime economy (with a greater than usually considered subjectivity of Polish actors) or the process of ‘taming’ the occupation (including terror), both materially and psychologically. The text may be treated as encouragement and invitation to interdisciplinary, methodologically innovative, cross-sectional research on Polish society during the Second World War.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Rumours in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia: 100 Days from the Life of an Occupied Country 2022-08-08T10:39:10+02:00 Piotr M. Majewski <p>The article discusses rumours recorded by the German Security Service [Sicherheitsdienst, SD] in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia between 1 January and 10 April 1943. The author pursues quantitative and qualitative analysis and discusses rumours shared by Czech and German inhabitants of the country. The analysis results indicate that early 1943 saw a real crisis of confidence in the state and the Nazi regime among Germans living in the Protectorate. The Czech public opinion had likely reached a turning point, still highly afraid of German repressions, but also with a growing hope for the defeat of the Reich and a swift end to the war.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Occupation as Social Practice and Ambiguous Space: The Lives of Ludwik Hirszfeld and Jan Czochralski in Warsaw, 1939–44 2022-08-08T10:49:34+02:00 Katrin Steffen <p>This article evaluates the situation of two renowned scientists in Poland, namely the microbiologist and serologist Ludwik Hirszfeld (1884–1954), and the metallurgist Jan Czochralski (1885–1953), during the time of the German occupation from 1939–45. Both scientists strove to continue their scientific work even under the conditions of occupation but faced substantially different treatment by the occupiers: Hirszfeld was forced to live in the Warsaw Ghetto, while Czochralski was allowed to stay in his home and work at the former Technical University of Warsaw. The article takes a comparative approach and will analyse the life situation of both scientists. This means looking at the limits of action for both scientists on one side, and on the other, at the room for manoeuvre, which, under the conditions of a brutal occupation, either emerged for the two of them or they actively created.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 The ‘Righteous’ as an Element of Transnational Memory Politics: The Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust and the Memory of the Rescue of Jews during the Second World War 2022-08-08T10:59:48+02:00 Zofia Wóycicka <p>In the last two decades, the topic of help given to Jews during the Second World War has experienced an extraordinary boom in Europe and beyond. Transnational and intergovernmental organisations such as the Council of Europe, the European Parliament and the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) have played an essential role in promoting this subject. This paper shows that the first big event to introduce the category of the Righteous into transnational memory politics was the Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust (2000). Researchers have described the conference as a significant step toward the ‘institutionalisation of a European memory’ and promoting a self-critical, victim-centred, future-oriented and highly personalised Holocaust remembrance. I argue that it was precisely the universalisation of the Holocaust and the notion of a wide-ranging implication of European societies in the genocide, which paved the way for the rescue narratives. However, as this paper demonstrates, the participants in the conference defined the Righteous differently and invoked them for divergent purposes.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Contributors 2022-08-08T11:46:45+02:00 Maciej Górny <p><strong>Contributors</strong></p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Short notes 2022-08-08T11:41:27+02:00 Maciej Górny <p>Short notes</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Wiktoria Śliwowska (26 June 1931 – 27 December 2021) 2022-08-08T11:43:58+02:00 Mariusz Kulik <p>Wiktoria Śliwowska (26 June 1931 – 27 December 2021)</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Reviews 2022-08-08T11:25:49+02:00 Jan Jelinowski <p>Reviews</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 Assessing the Contacts between Stefan Báthory and the Serbian Monks from Hilandar Monastery on Mount Athos in the Light of a Sixteenth-Century Model Letter 2022-08-08T11:09:44+02:00 Paweł Dziadul <p>The paper deals with contacts between Polish King and Lithuanian Grand Duke Stefan Báthory (1576–86) and the Serbian monks from Hilandar Monastery on Mount Athos. The contacts are presented based on a model letter found in the letter-writing manual from the Hilandar Archive (no. 153). The monks asked Báthory for the introductory and travel letters for their journey to Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where they would search for new benefactors [<em>ktetors</em>] and financial assistance from the Ruthenian Orthodox Christians. The model letter, supported by other written sources, also sheds light on the general characteristics of contacts with Catholic Polish-Lithuanian authorities and other rulers who mediated intercultural relations between the Ruthenian Orthodox Church and the Serbian (and Balkan in general) monastic milieus. These relations had a special significance for the group (confessional-cultural) identity of the Ruthenian Orthodox Christians and their tradition in the Counter-Reformation climate due to the proselytic policy and polemical attacks in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 The Bishops of the Diocese of Vilnius and Lithuanian Domestic Politics in 1709–17: Attitudes, Problems, and Solutions 2022-08-08T11:12:23+02:00 Mindaugas Šapoka <p>The article looks into the participation of the bishop ordinary of the diocese of Vilnius, Kazimierz Konstanty Brzostowski, and his suffragan, Maciej Józef Ancuta, in Lithuanian politics of the period between 1709 and 1717. The study has been based on the letters written by the bishops to the Lithuanian chancellor. It examines the bishops’ attitude towards Russian contributions, the taxation of Church estates, the arbitrary contributions raised by the Lithuanian army, the introduction of Saxon troops in 1713, the reaction to the king’s policies, and the attitude towards the nationwide uprising against the Saxon troops known as the confederations of Tarnogród and Vilnius. Finally, the bishops’ opinion on Russian mediation and the notorious Silent Sejm, where it was agreed that the <em>liberum veto </em>would be invalid. The bishops of the diocese of Vilnius were rather indifferent to the internal problems of Lithuania. They defended the immunity of the Church estates and disapproved of the introduction of Saxon troops. However, when the confederations were formed, they tried to manoeuvre between the noble and royal camps, not wanting to ruin their reputation on either side. The bishops often spoke on behalf of the diocesan clergy. Therefore, their adopted posture was often the expression of the opinion of the whole diocese’s clergy.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 “There Will Be No Free Bohemia without Free Poland, No Free Poland without Free Bohemia”. Masaryk’s Vision of Independent States 2022-08-08T11:15:31+02:00 Tomáš W. Pavlíček <p>The aim of the paper is to examine, using the comparative perspective, how politicians and historians perceived the ideas applied in the process of formation of the states of Poland and Czechoslovakia. The situation in the period of 1918–20 seemed to be open to various opportunities for constituting and cooperation of independent countries, but not all these opportunities were acceptable at that time. Although some of them had a stabilising potential, the official narrative became the foundation for national historiography.</p> <p>The traditional master narrative (roles of Masaryk, Dmowski, Piłsudski), interrupted by the caesura of the 1945/54–89 period, understandably affects the current understanding of a state and celebration of its anniversaries, which raises a need to find a paradigm of interpretation that deviates from the nation state. The author disputes the approach of historiography which considered military violence a defining element of the process of formation of a state. He regards choosing a perspective which explains the transfer of the traits of the founders to the states as social institutions (quasi-figures) to be beneficial. Using archival documents, he shows how Masaryk’s ideas of forming a New Europe were received in Poland and what image of the situation in Poland was presented to Masaryk. Criticism of the neighbouring state in the speeches of the members of the Sejm was instrumentalised with regard to the tensions in the home politics. That is why the author puts the dispute about the Seven-day War and the Polish-Ukrainian conflict into a broader perspective.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022 The Relations of the Antanas Smetona Regime with the Catholic Opposition, 1929–32 2022-08-08T11:22:22+02:00 Martinas Malužinas <p>The article’s main objective is to present the relationship between the Antanas Smetona regime and the Catholic opposition in 1929–32, and an evaluation of the repressive measures applied during this period. An analysis of various sources revealed that the actions of the right-wing nationalist government toward the Catholic opposition – which included the clergy, Catholic social organisations, and the Christian Democrats – were extremely harsh, significantly since the Catholic movement did not threaten the state sovereignty, public order, or political doctrine carried out by the Lithuanian president. The 1929–32 timeframe refers to the period of the greatest tension in the conflict between the Lithuanian government and the Catholic Church. The conflict between the Republic of Lithuania and the Vatican divided society, thus disrupting the existing positive diplomatic relations, which were reflected in the signing of the concordat in 1927.</p> 2022-08-08T00:00:00+02:00 Copyright (c) 2022